Author Archive

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Post 101

January 2, 2013

I see that I made 100 posts to this blog in 2012 – a profound thank you to anyone who made it through all hundred with me, and welcome to the next 100!

So now, in the spirit of the season, here is my New Year’s Wish List for the tax changes I’d like to see in 2013 – does anyone know when the window for Budget Representations opens this year?  The Budget will be on March 20th and there’s usually a few weeks beforehand when you can send in your ideas.  Anyone with more or better ideas, please add them in comments.

1. Abolish tax relief for private schools 

Because, seriously, how can we possibly justify giving tax relief to Eton College with its hundred million of investments  when the state school of which I’m governor can’t afford to get the windows fixed in the classroom with the damp problem?

2. Employ 150 lawyers to litigate the HMRC backlog

As ARC proposes:

Additional legal resources, 150 trained lawyers and 50 legal assistants, to accelerate litigation of the Tribunal backlog and accelerate yield. Cost £35m. Projected yield £2000m.

which seems to me a no-brainer.

3. Abolish the concept of domicile and move to worldwide taxation on the US model

The US system starts by taxing all its citizens on the basis of their worldwide income.  But then it goes on to tax all the people who are resident in the US on their income generated within the US.  This seems to me to be eminently sensible and if you agree with me, please add it to your own Budget representation.

4. Stop messing with AIA (annual investment allowance) and set it at 100,000 permanently

Or, really, just pick a number and stick with it.  

5. Shift tax thresholds up

Because, come on, no-one on minimum wage should pay tax, and no-one on less than 60k is “higher paid”.  Seriously.

6. Remove the difference between revenue and capital tax rates

Or, in other words, cut out areas of manipulation and avoidance by making the tax rates for income tax, capital gains tax and corporation tax the same – with the same thresholds.

7. Show some backbone over employment and self-employment

This probably needs a longer post, but honestly you’re never going to get agreement on what constitutes a contract OF employment or a contract FOR employment.  So get together a Royal Commission to devise two standard contracts that cover tax, NI, H&S… and make it a simple binary.  Are you on a version of contract A (employment) or contract B (self employment).

8. Show some backbone on the mansion tax

The main argument against charging an annual tax on people with homes worth over £2m seems to be that it would need an expensive new revaluation of the entire domestic property market.  Erm… why?  Charge the tax on anything valued over £2m the last time they were valued, and on anything that changed hands for more than £2m since then.  There.  Job done.  You’re welcome.

9. Make your mind up whether people are individuals or family members

And hurry up about it, because having a tax system that works on an individual basis (unless you get tax credits or child benefit) and a credit that works on a family basis (because Universal Credit is coming) is a recipe for disaster.  And, hint, people are individuals.  The child benefit is for the child – the clue is in the name – so they should get it whether their parents earn fourpence or four million.  But it should, of course, be a criminal offence not to spend it ON the child.

10. Look up “insurance”

And, particularly, “National Insurance” – and then read this article about care for the elderly.  And then extract digit and get on with it.

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In which I unleash my inner Sir Bufton Tufton

December 19, 2012

I find myself turning into Sir Bufton Tufton as I read TC02006, the tax case of a chap called Philip Procter who was appealing against a surcharge.  (I would include a link, but I can only find it on databases you have to pay to access, sorry.)  I mean, I know it’s a clear sign of middle age that you start thinking things have gone to hell in a handcart “since my day” but in this case I think I’m justified in a bit of red-faced splutter.

I should explain that, “in my day” I have been to the old-style Commissioners hearings and represented the old Inland Revenue, so I have some small experience of trying to put together the Departmental case from different people’s paperwork and making sure the facts were correct, the paperwork was in order, and the case hung together.

And I realize that it’s a very different department today – today’s HMRC isn’t location based like the old IR but based on vertical “silos” that have outposts all over the country, so a case file (if they still HAVE case files) is made up of bits and pieces from people all over the country who work in different areas of the business that might not ever have spoken to each other…

…but still.  That’s no excuse.

If I were still working in HMRC and read what Judge Guy Brannan had to say about the HMRC case I’d be wincing.  If I were still working in HMRC today and were involved in management of the appeals service I’d be horrified.  And if I were Mr Procter or his advisors I’d be sending a copy of the judgement to the Adjudicator’s office and asking for compensation.

There were factual errors in the HMRC case.  Judge Brennan says:

These errors, although involving relatively minor matters of dating, do not fill me with confidence in the reliability of the description of events contained in the Case History.

This seems to me to be judicial politeness for, um, “teller of tales, your trousers have combusted”

The very least you should be able to rely on from HMRC is that they give an accurate account of their actions, and in this case it seems they weren’t able to say who said what to whom and when.

Mr Proctor had a time to pay arrangement in place.  HMRC cancelled it, but apparently didn’t tell him.  And it seems when he rang them about the surcharge notices he was getting, he was assured on a couple of occasions that this was a mistake, the time to pay arrangement was still in place, and he should carry on paying under the arrangement.  The HMRC evidence was that he’d been told on “numerous occasions” that the arrangement had been cancelled, but the judge wasn’t prepared to accept HMRC’s “evidence” and, from the facts as recounted, I can entirely see his point.  And it’s an extremely scary one, because – although anyone can make a mistake – you ought to be able to rely on HMRC to try its best not to make them, and to put them right when it finds it has.  Above all, when it does a case review prior to going to the Tribunal, it ought at least, at very least, to get someone competent and outside of the initial clusterfuck to read over the file and see if the case stands up.  That’s the part that I can’t get over – not that the Department might have made a mistake or three, but that its “review” was, seemingly, such a dog’s breakfast.

There’s more, though: that’s not an isolated incident, it seems.  Taxation magazine have started an occasional series devoted to “obvious and avoidable mistakes by HMRC”.  There are really enough for a series?  They start with the case of someone issued a notice to make a self assessment return in January, who then made the return within a fortnight, but was charged a late return penalty for making the return on paper after the paper filing date!

This is mixing up two different things.  The normal date for making a self assessment return is October for paper, January for online – so, yes, if you need to make a return for 2011-12 you need to do it before the end of January online, and if you send in a paper return you’ll be charged £100 penalty, even if it’s not the end of January yet (and even if you’ve no tax to pay!)

But that’s only if you’ve been notified that you need to make a return.  If HMRC tells you now, or indeed in January, that you need to make a return, then the time limit is three months from when they tell you, whether you make the return on paper OR online.

Or in other words, either HMRC didn’t check the facts, or they didn’t understand their own legislation.

Still, stuff happens, right?  One is an accident, two is a trend… but three?  Three is problem.  Three would be a symptom of a department that’s been cut too far too fast, whose management has lost the plot and whose staff are demoralized and unsupported.  Shall we stick at two?  Let’s cross our fingers…

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Consultation on consultation

December 12, 2012

As well as being publication date for the draft Finance Bill clauses for 2013, yesterday also saw the House of Lords Secondary Legislation Scrutiny Committee hearing on the government’s quiet announcement that they were abolishing the 12 week expectation for consultations.

Oliver Letwin gave evidence and I’m sorry to have to confess that I am sad enough that I was quite looking forward to watching the recording.  Indeed the http://www.parliament.uk website includes what purports to be a link to the recording, but it simply takes you to the front page of the parliament video and audio site.

So I rang them up, and a very helpful gentleman had a look for the footage for me, and then emailed back a few moments later to say

Thank you for your telephone call just now in relation to the House of Lords Secondary Legislation Scrutiny Committee of yesterday.

Unfortunately due to a recording failure it is not currently possible to put a recording of this hearing on the http://www.parliamentlive.tv website.

We are hopeful of being able to obtain an audio recording of this hearing within the next day or so, which we will be able to place online.

When it is available we will send you an email to notify you of the link.

I apologise for any inconvenience in relation to this.

All kudos to the administration, at least to this part of it.  When I asked if it was ok to reproduce the email here, I was told

Of course.  We are hopeful of being able to obtain the hearing within the next day so.  Also a transcript of hearings are available from the committee website within a few days.

So there we are.  Let’s await the audio recording and the transcript before developing our conspiracy theories about the failure of the video!  Anyway, I heard from the committee that my email to them was “received” but that whether it was accepted as evidence would be notified to me separately if the committee decided to accept it as such.  Since I haven’t heard anything, I presume it wasn’t accepted as evidence, although clearly this is some use of the word “evidence” that I’m not quite getting.  However apparently they received a LOT of submissions:

The Call for Evidence for the Committee’s inquiry into the Government’s policy on consultations has now closed.

The Committee received 550 submissions, including 477 emails from individuals who made submissions for the inquiry following an online campaign by the Institute of Employment Rights. The members of the Committee were informed of this in a note. They are grateful to the many members of the public who took time to give an indication of their views, and regret that it is not possible to acknowledge each submission.

so I’m guessing I should be grateful they actually acknowledged mine!

I concentrated on the idea that consultations could take place in as little as two weeks, and suggested they hadn’t got the digital infrastructure in place to do that yet.  First, before abolishing the twelve week limit, I suggested they needed to

  • set up a single website listing all open consultations
  • list consultations in order of closure date
  • push consultations via a dedicated twitter feed
  • push consultation closure reminders via a dedicated twitter feed
  • provide an RSS feed from the central consultation website
  • duplicate the open consultation list on a facebook page
  • use search engine optimisation tools to put consultations into other relevant hands

If you want to read the full text of what I sent to the committee, it’s here under the cut:  Read the rest of this entry ?

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Tax simplification and better regulation

December 11, 2012

Does the use of “better regulation” tools like consultation and impact assessment promote a simpler tax system? (And, yes, I know it all depends what you mean by “simpler”, thanks)

Well, the coalition has four objectives for the tax system – they’re written into the Coalition Programme for Government, no less.  They  say (at item 29, page 30)

The Government believes that the tax system needs to be reformed to make it more competitive, simpler, greener and fairer

So I did a “quick and dirty” analysis of OLD (the “overview of legislation in draft”) published today on the Treasury site – yes, I know it’s on HMRC’s too, but a helpful twitter correspondent pointed out that HMT had it earlier. (Oh, and while I’m here: hint to the Treasury.  When you compile the TIINs into one document, you could add numbers instead of bullet points, so that we didn’t have to manually count them to realise there are tax information and impact notes for eighty-four measures in it.  And a decent editor could have cut out quite a few extraneous blank pages.  And added page numbers that were actual consecutive numbers instead of “A267”.  Ahem.  Yes, well.)

I had a quick look at the “policy objective” field for each of the 84 TIINs and tabulated which ones say they are aimed towards making the tax system

  • more competitive
  • simpler
  • greener
  • fairer

and the results are:

 More Competitive   2
 Simpler  10
 Greener    1
 Fairer  20
 Other  53
and, yes, I’m well aware that this adds up to 86 rather than 84, but there were two measures which plainly said that their policy objectives were to be fairer AND more competitive, and simpler AND fairer.
Like I say, it’s only a “quick and dirty” analysis and if you go through and do it for yourself you might come up with a slightly different answer, depending on how much inference you’re willing to put in.  I resisted inferring policy objectives this time around and stuck to straightforward statements.
Why does this matter?
Well there are some obvious questions – the “greenest government ever” ™ can only manage to come up with ONE tax change aimed at being green?  (It’s page A115 by the way: capital allowances for business cars, and it’s fair to say that it’s one where I actually did have to infer that the “environmental objective of reducing overall CO2 emissions” was a green objective.  It makes a difference of a fair few millions in tax and thousands in administrative burden, but produces an unquantified “indirect impact” of reduced carbon emissions.)
A remarkable number of measures are in the “other” category because the policy makers don’t seem to have answered the basic question of “why are we doing this?” which, yes, I recall from being involved in designing the TIIN process, is actually one of the considerations they’re supposedly taking into account.
Look at page A267, for example. Why are we cancelling the fuel duty increases?  Because “This measure will ease the burden on motorists and businesses”.  OK then.  That isn’t one of the objectives the coalition set itself, but you could, I suppose, say it’s a legitimate policy objective (even if it is startlingly anti-green in context!)
But what about this, from page A171:
This measure will encourage UK bingo promoters to grow their business and expand their customer base by amending bingo duty legislation to modify the restrictions and allow UK bingo promoters to link with overseas operators to offer ‘combined’ games of bingo
Are you seriously telling me that encouraging UK bingo promoters to “grow their business” is a legitimate objective of tax policy?  Or, if it is, is it not part of the overall narrative of making the UK a more “competitive” tax system?
But look at page A75 and tell me where there is an actual policy objective and what it might be:

Policy objective

The measure ensures that the switching of assets in a trust settled by a non-UK domiciled individual to investments in OEICs and AUTs is exempt from IHT charges. It also ensures that no tax will have arisen on those trusts which held OEICs or AUTs when the changes introduced in 2003 came into force.

I’ll have a closer look over the next few days at the ten measures aimed at making the system “simpler” – again, watch this space.

 

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Next year’s finance bill

December 11, 2012

So. “Full details of the draft legislation and supporting documents will be available here on 11 December”

*Refreshes HMRC webpage*

*drums fingers*

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Watch this space

December 10, 2012

Further documents will be published on 11 December including draft clauses for Finance Bill 2013, Tax Information and Impact Notes and Responses to Consultation on Budget announcements.

From the autumn statement page on HMRC’s site   Which is good timing, because I have to give a ten minute presentation on my research proposal today so I don’t have time to look.

But, as Scarlett O’Hara always said, tomorrow is another day…

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A no brainer.

December 6, 2012

Anyone with a home worth over £1million now facing a visit from elite tax inspectors” Well, up to a point, Lord Copper!

Let’s have a look, shall we?

The announcement was of a further 100 staff for the “affluence unit”, the bit of HMRC that looks at the tax affairs of people with more than a million quid. As the Telegraph article says

The unit, comprising 200 investigators and technical specialists in six locations across the UK, focuses on people who are evading or avoiding tax.

And, looking for the official announcement that was the initial impetus for this non-story, I see that Danny Alexander announced the unit was expanding from 200 to 300 staff, and with a remit to look at people with £1 million rather than, as before, £2.5 million.

OK then.  So how many millionaires are there?  The Treasury press release estimates half a million but – going back to The Telegraph, where we started – that seems to be a pre-crash figure and their current estimate is 280,000.  I’m not saying I prefer the Telegraph’s figures to the Treasury’s, you understand!  But let’s be generous and take the lower figure.

So we have 300 HMRC staff looking into the tax affairs of 280,000 people.

280,000 divided by 300 is 933.333 according to my calculator.  So let’s round it down and say each of these HMRC staff deals with the tax affairs of 900 millionaires.  Yes, according to the Telegraph’s own figures each worker in the Affluent Unit will need to spread their investigative powers over 900 millionaires.  According to the Treasury’s, over perhaps twice that.  Where on earth will they find the time to go nosing around blameless individuals whose houses have just drifted up in value?  It’s scaremongering, forget about it.

What is more interesting is the announcement that HMRC will have more resources in the autumn statement.  It’s here, in line 32 of the policy decisions:


 £ million
 Head 2012-13 2013-14 2014-15 2015-16 2016-17 2017-18
+
32 HMRC investment Spend -10 -80 -25 0 0 0

Ten million in the current year, eighty million next year, £25m in the final year of the coalition and then zilch.  Hmmm… David Gauke’s written ministerial statement on December 3rd clarified this a bit: the 100 staff for the affluent unit are in there, plus some warm words about transfer pricing and centres of excellence.  But the figures are a bit off:

 A further £77 million will be provided to HMRC in this spending review period to further expand its anti-avoidance and evasion activity focused on offshore evasion and avoidance by wealthy individuals and by multinationals.

Well, 10+80+25 = 115 in my book, so if HMRC are getting 115 million and using 77 million on anti-avoidance and evasion, what are they going to use the other  38 million on, do we think?  I’m sure it’s hidden in the small print somewhere but I haven’t come across it yet – anyone?  (maybe they’re upping the £42 they can spend on each business for RTI by another, erm, sixteen quid apiece?)

But look here, at the ARC union website.  Now, ARC stands for Association of Revenue and Customs senior staff and it’s the branch of the FDA which covers senior staff in HMRC, tax inspectors, lawyers, senior managers and a bunch of other professions, economists and the like.  And they have a paper, Reducing the UK Tax Gap – Proposals from ARC. (which isn’t exactly prominent on the site, but if you look at the entry for December 3rd you’ll find it in the “notes for editors” from a press release they apparently put out on 30th November, presumably by leaving it in the statutory locked filing cabinet in the basement office marked “beware of the leopard”!)

What interests me is the suggestion that you could put resources into HMRC’s legal services:

Additional legal resources, 150 trained lawyers and 50 legal assistants, to accelerate litigation of the Tribunal backlog and accelerate yield. Cost £35m. Projected yield £2000m

One of the things that worries me about the extra hundred staff for the affluent unit is, where are they going to come from?  Because trained tax professionals don’t actually grow on trees, and HMRC has always been rubbish at planning for the future and making sure it has enough trained tax professionals coming online to replace natural wastage from retirements and resignations.  You can’t just go out and hire a hundred trained tax professionals – largely because the accountancy profession, where you might find people with at least analogous skills – pays a damned sight more than HMRC.

But you could go out and recruit a hundred and fifty lawyers tomorrow.  Because lawyers train themselves, or at least pay for their own training, and there are supply and demand issues in the legal profession which there aren’t in tax at the moment.  So you couldn’t find 150 trained tax lawyers – they get shedloads more than HMRC tax lawyers, I’m told.  But you could get 150 criminal lawyers, trained litigators, and start taking some of the backlog of tribunal cases to tribunal as fast as the tribunal could accommodate them.

ARC think an investment of £35m could bring in two thousand million.  And HMRC seem to have £38m left over, so it’s a no brainer, surely?  Why on earth not?

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Evidently…

December 3, 2012

Hmm.  As I said last week, I replied to the House of Lords Secondary Legislation Scrutiny Committee’s Call for Evidence on the Government’s new approach to consultations and received an acknowledgement this morning.

At the bottom of the call for evidence, it says

Submissions become the property of the Committee which will decide whether to accept them as evidence. Evidence may be published by the Committee at any stage. It will normally appear on the Committee’s website and will be deposited in the Parliamentary Archives. Once you have received acknowledgement that your submission has been accepted as evidence, you may publicise or publish it yourself, but in doing so you must indicate that it was prepared for the Committee. If you publish your evidence separately, you should be aware that you will be legally responsible for its content.

Well I’m all about consultations being open and I was expecting to reproduce here what I had sent to the Committee, so I thought I’d better check.

I emailed back and said

Thank you for the acknowledgement, but is this a different category from being “accepted as evidence” please?  I’d like to publish it on my tax blog but the instructions on your website suggests to me there might be two categories into which a submission fits, “received” and “accepted as evidence”?  Or am I being over-sensitive?

Apparently not.

notification of receipt does not constitute acceptance as evidence, as that is the exclusive decision of the Committee

and

If your submission is accepted as evidence it will be listed as such in our eventual Report.

OK… I can see why they don’t simply bundle up everything they are sent and publish it regardless (if only because the temptation for someone to stage an “email fillibuster” by sending them 42 copies of, say, the complete works of Dickens) but, nevertheless, I think they’re using the word “evidence” to mean some category that I haven’t quite got my head around yet.

Anyone know anything more sensible about what they mean and why?  Otherwise, let’s compose ourselves in patience and… watch this space.

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Don’t ask me?

November 23, 2012

I had a very kind note from a reader which said:

Hi Wendy

I suspect that the Government is getting fed up with your repeated responses to consultations – they are not used to people actually responding. The reason I suspect this is that they appear to have changed the rules on time allowed for responses, to give you much less time to get your thoughts together.

Much as I would like to think that I had some power over the government’s actions, I don’t think it’s just me!  As I mentioned in an earlier post, the Cabinet Office has already quietly posted some revised consultation guidelines onto its website.

And on 14th November BIS responded to a Freedom of Information Act request I made by saying amongst other things that

You asked for agendas and minutes from the last four meetings of the consultation co-ordinators. Our records indicate that the consultation co-ordinators have not met for over 18 months, and prior to that we have no agendas or minutes held on file. We believe some Departmental Better Regulation Units might still run their own consultation discussions, but the Better Regulation Executive has not been advised of any such meetings.

I deduce from those two pieces of information that there hasn’t been a Whitehall wide discussion that has led to the restriction on consultation deadlines but that someone else, someone central, is driving this change.

My guess would be that the person in the driving seat is Oliver Letwin, if only because he is the Minister of State in the Cabinet Office in charge of Getting Things Done (or, at least, ensuring that the government carries out its programme)

And, interestingly, he is appearing before the Merits Committee, or, as they are now called, the House of Lords Secondary Legislation Scrutiny Committee on 11 December to give evidence on exactly this point, the new approach to consultation.

There was a Guardian Public Leaders Network discussion of this issue last week which is worth a read (if only because it was the first time I’d come across the charmingly-named outfit “Guerilla Policy” – see here for their thought-provoking piece on the class element in consultation) and there is a call to arms from the institute of Employment Rights.

The message from all of these is: you have another week.  If you have thoughts (and, more particularly, evidence!) about how consultations work and whether the twelve week expectation is a Good Thing or not, well, you should put your evidence in to the Lords to inform their discussions with the Minister.

Yes, I shall be responding.  But the Secondary Legislation Scrutiny Committee takes ownership of submissions and may publish them in due course:

Submissions become the property of the Committee which will decide whether to accept them as evidence. Evidence may be published by the Committee at any stage. It will normally appear on the Committee’s website and will be deposited in the Parliamentary Archives. Once you have received acknowledgement that your submission has been accepted as evidence, you may publicise or publish it yourself, but in doing so you must indicate that it was prepared for the Committee. If you publish your evidence separately, you should be aware that you will be legally responsible for its content.

so I think it only polite to wait and see what response I get.  But please note that this is a call for evidence and the Committee specifically asks for signal boost:

This is a public call for evidence. Please bring it to the attention of other groups and individuals who may not have received a copy direct.

In other words: tell your friends!

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Consultation on vulnerable beneficiary trusts

November 9, 2012

Trying to catch up with the flurry of October/November consultations, I see I missed one that closed yesterday.  I’m hoping that, closing on Thursday, they’ll still be able to consider responses that they receive on, erm, Friday!  Anyway, this is what I sent.  I’m not sure whether there’s anything in the changes to tax treatment of trusts for people who are unable to manage their own financial affairs that is, by and of itself, offensive – I’m aware that it’s the changes to the benefits themselves (replacing DLA with PIP) which are considered offensive by people with disabilities.  But there are two things that jump out at me about this consultation.  One is the governmental, or rather departmental, muddle.  If you have different definitions of disability or vulnerability in different departments and for different purposes, should you – in the twenty first century, for goodness’ sake – expect a government to be able to get its act together and define what it means for ALL its purposes, not just for some?  Or, if that gives too much of a cliff edge between categories, shouldn’t you at least let the tax treatment follow the definitions used for other purposes rather than making people faff about considering a whole new set of tax requirements for something that isn’t really anything to do with tax at all?  And, second… the consideration of equality seems to be rubbish.  I say “seems to be” because, to be charitable, it’s possible they’ve done a ton of great work behind the scenes but just written it up really badly.  But to me it  reads as if they’ve gone “Oh, the DWP did all that.  Just stick in an “it’s all right, isn’t it?” question and leave it at that.”  Tell me I’m wrong.

Anyway, this is the response I sent.

I appreciate that the closing date for this consultation was in fact yesterday but I hope you will nevertheless be able to include it in your considerations. This is an individual’s response and will also be published, with commentary, on my blog at http://tiintax.com. Please note there are some questions where either I consider I do not have sufficient expertise to contribute to the discussion or else I have covered the question separately in narrative and I have therefore excluded those questions (so the numbering below doesn’t follow, but IS the numbering taken from your consultation document)

Q2: Do respondents have suggestions for defining a ‘vulnerable person’ for tax purposes other than by reference to orphaned minors and those with a severe physical or mental disability? (Responses may include approaches and concepts found elsewhere that could be included into the tax code either in combination or in isolation.)

It seems quite plain to me that tax is the least of the matters which a vulnerable person ought to be concerned with, and that therefore the best way of implementing the objective of this consultation is for the tax treatment to “follow” – in other words, that the legislation defining people to whom these tax exemptions should apply should follow the other defining legislation.

In other words, government should get its act together and define vulnerability for all purposes, or at least work under the presumption that meeting a definition for one purpose would also meet it for all other government (or at the very least for tax!) purposes.

In drafting terms, you might say something like “A vulnerable person for these purposes is someone in the Vulnerable Persons list,” and then have a separate command paper or other statutory instrument kept up to date with the definitions found elsewhere in the law. So the first “vulnerable persons list” might read
– persons in receipt of enhanced rate PIP
– persons [defined as in the enhanced criminal record certificates legislation]
– persons listed in the [relevant provisions of the] Safeguarding Vulnerable Groups Act 2006

Q3: In relation to those suggestions, what practical issues do respondents envisage applying them in the context of a self-assessed tax; and how could they be overcome?

In practical terms, there are three things government should do

1. not require self assessment from a vulnerable person but from their trustees
2. not require self assessment from the trustees of a vulnerable person except at (say) five yearly intervals or when there is a material change in circumstances, and
3. set up and resource fully an assistance unit within HMRC devoted to providing vulnerable persons and their trustees with direct assistance in self assessment, including but not limited to a dedicated mailing address and the provision of the telephone number, email address and other contact details of a named person in HMRC who will provide them with assistance

Q4: Do respondents agree that including recipients of the enhanced rate daily living component of PIP within the vulnerable person definition would achieve certainty in the same way the existing reference to DLA does?

Yes, but would restrict the number of people included in the vulnerable persons group as that is one of the design objectives of moving to PIP. This should NOT be one of the design objectives of this legislation, so the definition needs to be broader, and therefore to “follow” other definitions of vulnerability.

Q6: What are respondents’ views on whether the proposal for PIP might lead to a suitable test, or part of a test, for assessing whether someone should be able to benefit from access to the tax treatment for vulnerable persons’ trusts? (Responses should have regard to the characteristics that distinguish a vulnerable person.)

PIP is intended to apply to fewer people than the current benefits regime and therefore the definition of a vulnerable person would be unreasonably restricted if this were the ONLY qualification for treatment as a vulnerable person. See response to 2, above – in my view the definition should follow any other definition in current legislation, so that a person defined as “vulnerable” for ANY government purpose should also be defined as vulnerable for tax purposes.

Q7: Is the existing ‘mental incapacity’ test suitably targeted? If not, why not?

No opinion, but didn’t you consult on this very recently, in the consultation on removing the offensive language (“lunatic”) from the Taxes Acts? Is it necessary to revisit at this point, and if so I strongly suggest you re-examine the responses to the previous consultation.

Q8: What alternative approach would respondents propose and why? (Responses need not be limited to suggestions that make use of MCA05.)

See above. Follow the definitions in other legislation so that there is no separate “hurdle” for tax.

Q10: Do respondents see any reason why the ‘application of capital’ conditions should not require the vulnerable beneficiary to benefit from every application of the capital during the lifetime (or other relevant period) of the vulnerable beneficiary (with consequent changes to the provisions disregarding trustees’ general statutory powers of advancement)?

As a lay person, I’m surprised this question needs to be asked. But, for the avoidance of doubt, no!

Q11: Do respondents see any reason why the ‘application of income’ conditions should not be harmonised so that trustees are prevented from paying income to non-vulnerable beneficiaries during the lifetime (or relevant period) of the vulnerable beneficiary?

As for Q10!

Further comments

I am surprised that the consultation has reached this stage – where you are publishing draft legislation – without the equality impact assessment being at a more developed stage. The statutory requirement is for departments to give “due regard” to equality while making changes and the phrasing of the EQIA suggests work to examine the potential equality impacts has not yet been conducted. Presumably this is merely unfortunate phrasing of the consultation and you have already given regard to equality in putting forward these proposals for consultation? In particular I am aware from the press that there is considerable controversy over the changes to benefits which have led to these proposals – surely in order to give due regard to equality YOU would need to consider the equality impact of THESE changes and not merely rely on the EQIA published by DWP and referenced at 8.8?

Tax Impact Assessment. Again, the equality impact assessment seems nugatory, no consideration is given to any HMRC changes (such as the possibility of providing more or better assistance to affected persons and trusts in dealing with self assessment) and the consideration for monitoring and evaluation does not seem to allow for the possibility of effective *review* of any changes to see whether they are effective.

Regards